Interview, Fireside Chat, Other
Doris Kearns Goodwin on "Leadership: In Turbulent Times"
- Doris Kearns Goodwin's new book, Leadership in Turbulent Times, analyzes the leadership development of Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Lyndon B. Johnson to derive lessons applicable to modern challenges.
- Goodwin notes that she began writing the book during a period of political dysfunction in Washington, anticipating the current level of turbulence.
- Goodwin served as a White House Fellow under Lyndon B. Johnson at age 24, despite having previously written an article titled "How to Remove Lyndon Johnson from Power" while an anti-Vietnam War activist.
- Johnson assigned Goodwin to him personally after a White House dance, telling her he wanted to "win her over" and stating, "If I can't win her over, no one can."
- The author's relationship with Johnson was professional and anecdotal; she discovered that half his colorful stories were embellished, and an attempted romantic advance involving wine and cheese was actually a paternal expression where he told her she reminded him of his mother.
- The book's structure traces four trajectories: early signs of greatness, adversity that shaped personality, a specific challenge that defined their leadership, and their subsequent legacy.
- Abraham Lincoln displayed early ambition at age 23, vowing to run for office repeatedly until elected, stating, "Every man has his own peculiar ambition. Mine is to be esteemed of by my fellow man."
- Lincoln suffered a near-suicidal depression in his 30s due to career failures, requiring friends to remove all sharp objects from his room.
- Theodore Roosevelt began as a "swelled head" who realized he needed to collaborate after becoming ineffective in the State Legislature due to his fiery, histrionic style.
- TR's personality was fundamentally altered by the simultaneous deaths of his wife and mother in 1884, leading him to retreat to the Badlands to become a cowboy and develop a lifelong love of nature and the "western" American identity.
- Franklin D. Roosevelt was a "late bloomer" who found his political voice at age 28; his political evolution was driven by the humility and optimism gained after contracting polio at age 39.
- FDR's polio recovery involved years of physical struggle, including crawling on the library floor to strengthen his upper body, which taught him how to handle presidential pressures.
- Lyndon Johnson possessed a desire for power from age four, mimicking his father by cleaning floors next to school presidents to gain access to the top.
- Johnson's motivation shifted after a massive heart attack in 1955, prompting him to ask, "What if I died now? What would I be remembered for?" which led him to prioritize civil rights legislation.
- Goodwin observes that three of the four leaders (Lincoln, FDR, and Johnson) entered office during or immediately following a major national crisis, whereas Teddy Roosevelt proactively addressed the "hidden crisis" of industrial inequality.
- Lincoln is credited with the Emancipation Proclamation, transforming a civil war crisis into a moral cause that secured his legacy.
- Teddy Roosevelt intervened in the 1902 anthracite coal strike, redefining presidential power by becoming the first president to host labor and capital leaders in the White House.
- In the coal strike, Roosevelt published stenographer notes to turn public opinion against the coal barons and negotiated a resolution through financier J.P. Morgan to save the barons' "face."
- FDR's response to the Great Depression involved creating the New Deal's "alphabet soup" of agencies, permanently altering the scope of the federal government.
- Lyndon Johnson successfully passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act by leveraging personal relationships, working the phones 24 hours a day, and persuading Republican leader Everett Dirksen by promising that future generations would remember Dirksen alongside Abraham Lincoln.
- Goodwin characterizes Johnson as the most "approachable" leader, noting his leadership was based on hard work, emotional intelligence, and organizational skill rather than "superhuman" talents.
- Johnson's domestic legacy is considered "cut in two" by the Vietnam War, leading to his self-imposed retirement and a final public appearance where he demanded equal ground for black and white Americans.
- FDR and Lincoln died young in office (FDR at 62), while TR and Johnson lived to see their domestic achievements, though Johnson died shortly after a final push for civil rights.
- Goodwin highlights the "media evolution" of leadership, noting Lincoln mastered the written word, Roosevelt mastered radio, and Trump mastered direct social media communication.
- A critical difference noted is the loss of media discretion; the press once protected FDR's disability from public view, whereas modern social media would likely amplify such vulnerabilities.
- Goodwin argues that Lincoln's discipline in avoiding impulsive communication ("hot letters") is a lesson for modern leaders, suggesting that the immediacy of digital media encourages unfiltered, angry responses.
- The leaders practiced distinct methods of energy replenishment: Lincoln attended the theater 100 times during the Civil War; TR exercised two hours daily; FDR held cocktail parties with a strict "no war talk" rule.
- Goodwin expresses reluctance to write about the Trump era, citing the lack of distance required for historical perspective and the need for personal diaries or letters which are less common in the digital age.
- Goodwin contrasts Lincoln's "Team of Rivals" strategy with the current political climate, noting Lincoln kept internal disagreements contained within the White House to preserve national unity.
- The current era of high material prosperity but intense political bitterness is attributed to a lack of a "binding" national experience, such as war or economic collapse, that fosters a sense of shared destiny.
- Goodwin cites Teddy Roosevelt's warning that democracy will founder if citizens in different classes, sections, and races view each other as "the other" rather than common citizens.
- The conversation concludes with an observation that the current tribalism in Washington may require a new generation of politicians to heal the division without the catalyst of a major crisis.